<?xml version='1.0' encoding='utf-8'?><OAI-PMH xmlns="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/OAI-PMH.xsd"><responseDate>2026-05-17T22:48:31Z</responseDate><request verb="GetRecord" metadataPrefix="oai_dc" identifier="oai:www.bilketa.eus:ark:/27020/ASJU-20220">https://www.bilketa.eus/in/rest/oai</request><GetRecord><record><header><identifier>oai:www.bilketa.eus:ark:/27020/ASJU-20220</identifier><setSpec>ALL</setSpec><datestamp>2025-10-25T06:25:19Z</datestamp></header><metadata> <oai_dc:dc xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd"><dc:identifier>https://www.bilketa.eus/ark:/27020/ASJU-20220</dc:identifier><dc:creator>Padilla-Moyano, Manuel (19..-....)</dc:creator><dc:source>ASJU, 20220</dc:source><dc:date>2018-09-15</dc:date><dc:description>Azken mendeetako zubererak -i bukaerarekiko aditz multzo berri bat garatu du. Jatorri erromantzeko akabi, ataki edo ezkapi bezalako formak ez dira, alta, -i multzoko euskal partizipio zaharrekin batera sailkatzekoak. Izan ere, multzo berriko aditzek kideak dituzte -tü klasean (akabatü, atakatü, ezkapatü), zeinekin forma zein funtzio banaketa osagarrian erabiliak baitira. Artikulu honek partizipio berrien multzoa aztertzen du Zuberoako euskara historikoan, XVI-XIX. mendera bitarteko corpus zabal batean oinarriturik. Lehenik, aditz berrien forma eta funtzioak deskribatuko dira (§ 2), haien agerpena sistematikoki bilduz (§ 3). Ikuspegi diakronikotik, -i-dun forma berrien eta -(a)tü beren kideen arteko lehia deskribatuko da (§ 4). Ondoren, forma berrien jatorriaren gaineko hipotesi bat formulatuko da, gaskoiarekiko ukipenari seinalatzen diona, eta zehazkiago bearnesaren aditz jokatuen mailegatzeari (§ 5). Azkenik, -i akabantza duten, baina oraino aditz izaera osoki berenganatu ez duten beste zenbait forma ikertuko dira (§ 6).</dc:description><dc:description>During the last centuries Souletin Basque has developed a new group of verbs ended in -i. Romance-origin forms such as akabi 'to end', ataki 'to attack' or ezkapi 'to escape' differ from the ancient Basque participles pertaining to the -i class of verbs. In fact, every new verb in -i has an equivalent within the -tu class (e.g. akabatü, atakatü, ezkapatü), with which it tends to a complementary distribution of forms and functions. This paper analyses the new group of participles in the light of a far-reaching corpus of Souletin texts from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century. Firstly, I will describe the forms and functions of the new verbs ended in -i (§ 2), and I will systematically collect their attestations (§ 3). From a diachronic point of view, the competition between the new forms and their pairs ended in -tu will be addressed (§ 4). Then I shall argue that new forms in -i are due to language contact with Gascon; more specifically, they originated in the borrowing of inflected verbal forms to Bearnese Gascon (§ 5). Finally, I will discuss some other forms ending in -i which have not yet acquired full verbal nature (§ 6).</dc:description><dc:description>During the last centuries Souletin Basque has developed a new group of verbs ended in -i. Romance-origin forms such as akabi 'to end', ataki 'to attack' or ezkapi 'to escape' differ from the ancient Basque participles pertaining to the -i class of verbs. In fact, every new verb in -i has an equivalent within the -tu class (e.g. akabatü, atakatü, ezkapatü), with which it tends to a complementary distribution of forms and functions. This paper analyses the new group of participles in the light of a far-reaching corpus of Souletin texts from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century. Firstly, I will describe the forms and functions of the new verbs ended in -i (§ 2), and I will systematically collect their attestations (§ 3). From a diachronic point of view, the competition between the new forms and their pairs ended in -tu will be addressed (§ 4). Then I shall argue that new forms in -i are due to language contact with Gascon; more specifically, they originated in the borrowing of inflected verbal forms to Bearnese Gascon (§ 5). Finally, I will discuss some other forms ending in -i which have not yet acquired full verbal nature (§ 6).</dc:description><dc:identifier>https://ojs.ehu.eus/index.php/ASJU/article/view/20220/18346</dc:identifier><dc:identifier>https://ojs.ehu.eus/index.php/ASJU/article/view/20220</dc:identifier><dc:relation>vignette : https://www.bilketa.eus/in/rest/Thumb/image?id=ark:/27020/ASJU-20220&amp;mat=articleNum</dc:relation><dc:language>baq</dc:language><dc:rights>Copyright (c) 2019 Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca "Julio de Urquijo"</dc:rights><dc:title>"Feitac espravi dutuçu": partizipio sail berri bat Zuberoan</dc:title><dc:title>"Feitac espravi dutuçu": a new group of participles in Souletin Basque</dc:title></oai_dc:dc></metadata></record></GetRecord></OAI-PMH>