<?xml version='1.0' encoding='utf-8'?><OAI-PMH xmlns="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/OAI-PMH.xsd"><responseDate>2026-05-17T18:33:26Z</responseDate><request verb="GetRecord" metadataPrefix="oai_dc" identifier="oai:www.bilketa.eus:ark:/27020/ASJU-22414">https://www.bilketa.eus/in/rest/oai</request><GetRecord><record><header><identifier>oai:www.bilketa.eus:ark:/27020/ASJU-22414</identifier><setSpec>ALL</setSpec><datestamp>2025-10-25T06:25:21Z</datestamp></header><metadata> <oai_dc:dc xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd"><dc:identifier>https://www.bilketa.eus/ark:/27020/ASJU-22414</dc:identifier><dc:creator>Leturiaga Angoitia, Olatz</dc:creator><dc:source>ASJU, 22414</dc:source><dc:date>2021-03-04</dc:date><dc:description>Artikulu honetan Gipuzkoako osagarri pluraldun adizki tripertsonalak dira aztergai. Izan ere, beti ez da erraza jakiten adizki batzuen oinarrian zein erro dagoen: *eradun ala *nin. Hori horrela izanik, saio honen helburua da Gipuzkoako testu zaharretan ageri diren —eta gaur egun zenbait hizkeratan dirauten— adizki batzuen oinarrian zein erro dagoen argitzen saiatzea. Lehendabizi, diozka ‘dizkio’ erakoez arituko gara, eta *eradun eta *nin hipotesien aldeko nahiz aurkako argudioak aurkeztuko ditugu; hala, saio honetan defendatzen dugu diozka ‘dizkio’ &amp; diezte ‘dizkie’ adizkiek *nin erroa izateko itxura dutela (dio + -zka- &gt; diozka; die + -zte- &gt; diezte). Ondoren, hipotesi bera dizko/dizka ‘dizkio’ eta dizte/dizk(o)e ‘dizkie’ erakoetara heda daitekeen ikusiko dugu, gure ustean hala baita; horren arabera proposatzen duguna da diozka &gt; dizka gertatu eta, beharbada, haren analogiaz sortuak izan daitezkeela azken horien gisako paradigmako gainerako adizkiak: hau da, diozka (d-i-o-zka-Ø) &gt; dizka (d-i-z-ka-Ø) &gt; dizko ‘dizkio’, dizku ‘dizkigu’, ditzu ‘dizkizu’, diztan ‘dizkidan’, etab. Bestalde, literatur gipuzkeraren balizko eraginaz ere jardungo dugu. Izan ere, XVIII-XIX. mendeetako Gipuzkoako testuetan ugari dira oraindik diozka ‘dizkio’ &amp; diezte (eta diozkate) ‘dizkie’ erako adizkiak 3. pertsona datiboarekin, nahiz eta, ustez, forma zaharrak izan; gure iritzian, literatur eredutzat hartu izan ziren idazleen lanetan —besteak beste, Larramendiren 1729ko gramatikan— diozka &amp; diezte erako adizkiak agertzeak lagundu zezakeen, beharbada, geroagoko idazleen testuetan (Lariz, Ubillos, Agirre Asteasukoa, Lardizabal, etab.) adizkiok hedatzen. Aipatutako adizkietako erroez jarduteaz gain, erroaren eta erro bakoitzak hartzen zuen pluralgilearen araberako (balizko) kronologia bat ere eskainiko dugu.</dc:description><dc:description>In this article, we examine the development of tripersonal verbal forms for a plural direct object in the Basque of Gipuzkoa. The fact is that it is not always obvious whether a given form is based on the root of the reconstructed verb *eradun or on that of *nin. That being the case, our goal here is to try to determine whether some specific forms that are found in old texts from Gipuzkoa (a few of which still survive in some local dialects) are based on one or the other of these two roots. To begin with, we examine diozka ‘s/he Vs them to him/her’ (Standard Basque dizkio) and present arguments both for and against each of the two hypotheses: that this form historically belongs to *eradun and that it belongs to *nin. We argue that diozka and diezte ‘s/he Vs them to them’ (St Bq dizkie) are more likely to be based on *nin (dio + -zka- &gt; diozka; die + -zte- &gt; diezte). Then, we show that the same hypothesis can be extended to forms like dizko/dizka (St Bq dizkio) eta dizte/dizk(o)e (St Bq dizkie). Thus, we propose that, after a contraction diozka &gt; dizka, the morphological structure of this form was reinterpreted and other forms of the same paradigm were created by analogy: diozka /d-i-o-zka-Ø/ &gt; dizka /d-i-z-ka-Ø/ and, then, by analogy, dizko (St Bq dizkio), with the same meaning, and also dizku ‘s/he Vs them to us’ (St Bq dizkigu), ditzu ‘s/he Vs them to you’ (St Bq dizkizu) diztan ‘that s/he Vs them to me’ (St Bq dizkidan), etc. In addition, we consider the possible influence of literary Gipuzkoan. As a matter of fact, in Gipuzkoan texts of the 18th-19th centuries, seemingly old forms like diozka and diezte are still very frequent. In our opinion, some relatively recent authors may have preserved those forms because of the prestige of literary Gipuzkoan. Besides considering the root of these verbal forms, we also offer a hypothetical chronology of the different verbal roots and pluralizers that we find in the texts.</dc:description><dc:description>In this article, we examine the development of tripersonal verbal forms for a plural direct object in the Basque of Gipuzkoa. The fact is that it is not always obvious whether a given form is based on the root of the reconstructed verb *eradun or on that of *nin. That being the case, our goal here is to try to determine whether some specific forms that are found in old texts from Gipuzkoa (a few of which still survive in some local dialects) are based on one or the other of these two roots. To begin with, we examine diozka ‘s/he Vs them to him/her’ (Standard Basque dizkio) and present arguments both for and against each of the two hypotheses: that this form historically belongs to *eradun and that it belongs to *nin. We argue that diozka and diezte ‘s/he Vs them to them’ (St Bq dizkie) are more likely to be based on *nin (dio + -zka- &gt; diozka; die + -zte- &gt; diezte). Then, we show that the same hypothesis can be extended to forms like dizko/dizka (St Bq dizkio) eta dizte/dizk(o)e (St Bq dizkie). Thus, we propose that, after a contraction diozka &gt; dizka, the morphological structure of this form was reinterpreted and other forms of the same paradigm were created by analogy: diozka /d-i-o-zka-Ø/ &gt; dizka /d-i-z-ka-Ø/ and, then, by analogy, dizko (St Bq dizkio), with the same meaning, and also dizku ‘s/he Vs them to us’ (St Bq dizkigu), ditzu ‘s/he Vs them to you’ (St Bq dizkizu) diztan ‘that s/he Vs them to me’ (St Bq dizkidan), etc. In addition, we consider the possible influence of literary Gipuzkoan. As a matter of fact, in Gipuzkoan texts of the 18th-19th centuries, seemingly old forms like diozka and diezte are still very frequent. In our opinion, some relatively recent authors may have preserved those forms because of the prestige of literary Gipuzkoan. Besides considering the root of these verbal forms, we also offer a hypothetical chronology of the different verbal roots and pluralizers that we find in the texts.</dc:description><dc:identifier>https://ojs.ehu.eus/index.php/ASJU/article/view/22414/20375</dc:identifier><dc:identifier>https://ojs.ehu.eus/index.php/ASJU/article/view/22414</dc:identifier><dc:relation>vignette : https://www.bilketa.eus/in/rest/Thumb/image?id=ark:/27020/ASJU-22414&amp;mat=articleNum</dc:relation><dc:language>baq</dc:language><dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0</dc:rights><dc:title>Gipuzkoako osagarri pluraldun adizki tripertsonalen erroez</dc:title><dc:title>On the roots of Gipuzkoan tripersonal verbal forms with plural object</dc:title><dc:title>Gipuzkoako osagarri pluraldun adizki tripertsonalen erroez / On the roots of Gipuzkoan tripersonal verbal forms with plural object</dc:title></oai_dc:dc></metadata></record></GetRecord></OAI-PMH>