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https://www.bilketa.eus/ark:/27020/ASJU-22416Martínez Areta, MikelASJU, 224162021-03-04Lan honetan, euskararen lerrokadura morfologiko ergatiboaren sorrera ikertzen da. Hau eragin zuen prozesua akitaniera eta latinarekiko kontaktuaren hasiera baino lehenago kokatu behar dugu, aitzineuskararen uneren batean.Trask-en (1977) proposamenari jarraikiz, onartuko da orainaldiko joskeretako eta lehenaldi/irrealiseko joskera askotako aditz jokatu iragankorren hasierako slot-a P-ak (= Patient) okupatzen duenez, “today’s morphology is yesterday’s syntax” Givón-en printzipioa (adib. nator < *ni da-tor) aplikatuz aditz jokatu iragankorrok predikatu pasiboetatik datozela (adib. nakus ‘nakusa’ < *ni da-kus ‘ni ikusia naiz’).Aurrekoa onartzeak euskal hizkuntzalaritzaren arazo morfologiko eta sintaktiko klasiko batzuei konponbide bat eskain diezaieke, hala nola ergatibitate hautsia, izen-deklinabideko -k marka ergatiboaren sorrera, jatorri ez-izenordainezkoko -t eta -k komunztadura marken sorrera, eta aditu gehienek onarturiko AVO > AOV osagai-hurrenkeraren aldaketa.In this paper, the rise of the ergative morphological alignment of Basque is discussed. The process which caused this rise is to be located before Aquitanian and the beginning of the contact with Latin, at some point of Proto-Basque.Following Trask’s (1977) proposal, it will be assumed that, since the initial slot of all the finite verbs of present conjugations and many of the past/irrealis conjugations is occupied by a P (= Patient) marker, an application of Givón’s principle according to which “today’s morphology is yesterday’s syntax” (e.g. nator ‘I come’ < *ni da-tor) should lead to the logical conclusion that these transitive finite verbs come from passive predicates (e.g. nakus ‘(s)he sees me’ < *ni da-kus ‘I am seen’).The previous postulate can also provide an explanation for some classical problems, both morphological and syntactic, of Basque linguistics, such as the split ergativity, the rise of the ergative marker -k in the noun-declension, the rise of the agreement markers of non-pronominal origin -t and -k, and the drift AVO > AOV in the order of constituents.In this paper, the rise of the ergative morphological alignment of Basque is discussed. The process which caused this rise is to be located before Aquitanian and the beginning of the contact with Latin, at some point of Proto-Basque.Following Trask’s (1977) proposal, it will be assumed that, since the initial slot of all the finite verbs of present conjugations and many of the past/irrealis conjugations is occupied by a P (= Patient) marker, an application of Givón’s principle according to which “today’s morphology is yesterday’s syntax” (e.g. nator ‘I come’ < *ni da-tor) should lead to the logical conclusion that these transitive finite verbs come from passive predicates (e.g. nakus ‘(s)he sees me’ < *ni da-kus ‘I am seen’).The previous postulate can also provide an explanation for some classical problems, both morphological and syntactic, of Basque linguistics, such as the split ergativity, the rise of the ergative marker -k in the noun-declension, the rise of the agreement markers of non-pronominal origin -t and -k, and the drift AVO > AOV in the order of constituents.https://ojs.ehu.eus/index.php/ASJU/article/view/22416/20379https://ojs.ehu.eus/index.php/ASJU/article/view/22416vignette : https://www.bilketa.eus/in/rest/Thumb/image?id=ark:/27020/ASJU-22416&mat=articleNumbaqhttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0Euskararen lerrokadura ergatiboaren sorrerazOn the rise of the ergative alignment of BasqueEuskararen lerrokadura ergatiboaren sorreraz / On the rise of the ergative alignment of Basque