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https://www.bilketa.eus/ark:/27020/ASJU-25955Fernández, BeatrizBerro, AnePérez Saldanya, ManuelOrtiz de Urbina, Jon (1957-....)ASJU, 259552025-01-29Lan honetan subjektu ezabatuko inpertsonalak aztertu ditugu, alegia, subjektua inplizitua eta zehaztugabea duten egiturak. Euskaraz zein katalanez, egitura horiek iragangaiztutzat hartu izan dira, aditz iragankorren kasuan argumentu bi gabe, bakarra ahoskatzen delako. Euskaraz, *edun aditz laguntzailearen ordez izan erabiltzen da, eta katalanaren kasuan ES klitikoa gaineratzen da. Lan honetan erakusten dugu egitura hauetan subjektua sintaktikoki indarrean dagoela eta, hortaz, Blevinsen (2003) subjektu ezabatuko inpertsonaltzat hartu behar direla. Nolanahi ere, morfologiak bestela pentsatzera eramaten gaitu kasu batzuetan: katalanez zein gaztelaniaz, ES/SE-egituretako gai argumentuak subjektu baten modura jokatzen du batzuetan, aditz laguntzailearekin komunztadura egiten duelako eta klitikorik onartzen ez duelako.In this paper we have analyzed subject-suppressing impersonals, namely, structures with an implicit and indefinite subject. In Basque and Catalan, these structures have been considered detransitivized, given that, in transitive structures, a single argument is overtly realized instead of two. In Basque izan ‘be’ auxiliary is selected over *edun ‘have’ and in Catalan the ES clitic is introduced. In this paper we demonstrate that in these structures the subject is syntactically present and, therefore, these structures should be considered subject-suppressing impersonals as characterized by Blevins (2003). Nonetheless, morphology leads us to think differently in some cases: both in Catalan and in Spanish the theme argument of ES/SE-structures sometimes behaves like a subject, as it agrees with the auxiliary verb and does not accept a clitic.In this paper we have analyzed subject-suppressing impersonals, namely, structures with an implicit and indefinite subject. In Basque and Catalan, these structures have been considered detransitivized, given that, in transitive structures, a single argument is overtly realized instead of two. In Basque izan ‘be’ auxiliary is selected over *edun ‘have’ and in Catalan the ES clitic is introduced. In this paper we demonstrate that in these structures the subject is syntactically present and, therefore, these structures should be considered subject-suppressing impersonals as characterized by Blevins (2003). Nonetheless, morphology leads us to think differently in some cases: both in Catalan and in Spanish the theme argument of ES/SE-structures sometimes behaves like a subject, as it agrees with the auxiliary verb and does not accept a clitic.https://ojs.ehu.eus/index.php/ASJU/article/view/25955/24925https://ojs.ehu.eus/index.php/ASJU/article/view/25955vignette : https://www.bilketa.eus/in/rest/Thumb/image?id=ark:/27020/ASJU-25955&mat=articleNumbaqhttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0Subjektu ezabatuko inpertsonalak: euskara, katalana eta gaztelania, gai beraren gaineko bariazioakSubject-suppressing impersonals: Basque, Catalan and Spanish, variations on the same subjectSubject-suppressing impersonals: Basque, Catalan and Spanish, variations on the same subject / Subjektu ezabatuko inpertsonalak: euskara, katalana eta gaztelania, gai beraren gaineko bariazioak