<?xml version='1.0' encoding='utf-8'?><OAI-PMH xmlns="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/OAI-PMH.xsd"><responseDate>2026-05-17T17:50:15Z</responseDate><request verb="GetRecord" metadataPrefix="oai_dc" identifier="oai:www.bilketa.eus:ark:/27020/ASJU-9717">https://www.bilketa.eus/in/rest/oai</request><GetRecord><record><header><identifier>oai:www.bilketa.eus:ark:/27020/ASJU-9717</identifier><setSpec>ALL</setSpec><datestamp>2025-10-25T06:25:00Z</datestamp></header><metadata> <oai_dc:dc xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd"><dc:identifier>https://www.bilketa.eus/ark:/27020/ASJU-9717</dc:identifier><dc:creator>Artiagoitia, Xabier (1965-....)</dc:creator><dc:source>ASJU, 9717</dc:source><dc:date>2003-02-15</dc:date><dc:description>This article analyzes morphological evidence from Basque to support one basic claim: that subjects of the object-experiencer (i.e. frighten-type) psych verbs are internal arguments. The derivational suffix -garri provides the relevant evidence. This suffix is traditionally characterized as forming adjectives from verbs and, disputably, from nouns or adjectives and as having both an active and a passive meaning. I first establish on several grounds that -garri is basically a deverbal suffix which forms adjectives productively. Secondly, I show that the so-called passive value of the suffix is restricted to diadic transitive verbs: the internal argument of the verb becomes the external one of the adjective. The so-called active value of the suffix is restricted to psych verbs with experiencer objects: the surface subject of the verb becomes the external argument of the adjective. Thirdly, a unified characterization of the -garri suffixation is proposed along the lines of Grimshaw (1990): if subjects of the frighten class are internal arguments, there is one single rule of -garri suffixation which adds an R(eferential) argument to bind the first internal argument of a diadic verb; the original external argument, if there is one, is supressed. Verbs whose surface subject bear an instrumental θ-role also admit the suffix -garri (the subject becomes the external argument of the adjective); this fact suggests that instrumental subjects count as internal arguments in Basque. The mere existence of -garri supports the claim that the frighten verb class lacks an external argument; its existence can be also taken as a fair prediction of Belleti and Rizzi's unaccusative analysis of the frighten class, but runs counter to both Pesetsky's analysis(1995) and a purely transitive-causative analysis of object experiencer verbs (cf. Arad 1999a-b).</dc:description><dc:identifier>https://ojs.ehu.eus/index.php/ASJU/article/view/9717/8957</dc:identifier><dc:identifier>https://ojs.ehu.eus/index.php/ASJU/article/view/9717</dc:identifier><dc:relation>vignette : https://www.bilketa.eus/in/rest/Thumb/image?id=ark:/27020/ASJU-9717&amp;mat=articleNum</dc:relation><dc:language>eng</dc:language><dc:rights>Copyright (c) 2015 Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca "Julio de Urquijo"</dc:rights><dc:title>The case of an enlightening, provoking and admirable Basque derivational suffix with implications for the theory of argument structure</dc:title></oai_dc:dc></metadata></record></GetRecord></OAI-PMH>